Leader of criminal cabal Prof Moyo calls on SADC to reject Mnangagwa coup government

Former Higher Education Minister Professor Jonathan Moyo and President Emmerson Mnangagwa
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HARARE – Former Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education and alleged G40 Faction chief strategist, Professor Jonathan Moyo has said that there is still time for the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) to do the right thing and correct the wrong that took place in Zimbabwe.

Moyo was referring to the military intervention which was launched by the Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) on the 15th of  November. The military intervention which was codenamed

“Operation Restore Legacy” ultimately resulted in the resignation of former president Robert Mugabe and the demise of the G40 Faction.

Moyo and fellow G40 kingpin Saviour Kasukuwere are reported to have fled the country and gone into exile. The two have not made any public appearances since the military takeover.

The professor has been a very vocal critic of President Emmerson Mnangagwa and the Zimbabwe Defence Forces Generals and has even declared that they will not last “come rain or shine.” Moyo has been using the perceived safety of his Twitter account to attack Mnangagwa and the military intervention. Moyo said that the apparent coup which took place in Zimbabwe needs a cure and  Sadc still has a chance to correct the wrong. Writing on Twitter, Moyo said:

A coup needs a cure!

This insightful article on ‘How the African Union Got it Wrong on the Zimbabwean Coup D’etat’ is particularly instructive for Sadc which still has an opportunity to correct the historic wrong!

Jonathan Moyo was referring to an article titled “How the African Union Got It Wrong On Zimbabwe” which was written by Philip Roessler, an Associate Professor of Government at the College of William and Mary in the United States.

An extract from the article reads:

A sounder approach would have been for the AU’s Peace and Security Council to condemn the de facto coup – as it would a de jure coup – and threaten to suspend Zimbabwe from the African Union until the military released Mugabe from house arrest, handed over power to a transitional post-Mugabe government, and returned to the barracks. Such a policy response would have delivered a similar outcome as what transpired – ridding Zimbabwe and the AU of the Mugabe problem – while strengthening, rather than weakening, the region’s anti-coup norm. Instead, the AU endorsed a factional coup by the Zimbabwe military and its former vice president, Mnangagwa, that now sees the coup perpetrators in key positions in the post-Mugabe government in direct contravention of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

The African Union, in alignment with SADC, got it wrong and missed a valuable opportunity to strengthen and expand its anti-coup regime to include both de jure and de facto coups. In narrowly focusing on the removal of the sitting head of state as the defining feature of a coup rather than the unconstitutional use of force to coerce elected leaders to relinquish power, it sets a dangerous precedent that threatens to undermine the strong gains the region has made to move beyond politics by the gun.